Showing posts with label BBC. Show all posts
Showing posts with label BBC. Show all posts

Tuesday, 18 December 2018

Brexit – cast your mind back 212 years to Napoleon and the continental system

According to today's Times newspaper:


2½ years late, as they say in the accompanying article, "Colin Clark, a Scottish Conservative MP, has said contingency planning should have started immediately after the vote in 2016", but better late than never.

Mr Clark is not alone in his views, several respectable people believe that is and always has been the obvious approach ...

... but the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Philip Hammond, is quoted elsewhere as saying that "what they were doing must be seen as a precaution, not a policy challenge. He warned that the idea of a managed no deal was a ‘unicorn’ ...".

Who's right?

The respectable people or the Chancellor?

Cast your mind back 212 years and you be the judge.

According to Andrew Roberts’s 2014 Napoleon the Great, starting around p.427, 212 years ago in 1806 Napoleon instituted the “continental system”, which included these articles among others:
1. The British Isles are in a state of blockade.
2. All trade and all correspondence with the British Isles is forbidden.
3. Every British subject, of whatever state or condition he may be … will be made a prisoner of war.
4. All warehouses, all merchandise, all property, of whatever nature it might be, belonging to a subject of England will be declared a valid prize …
7. No ship coming directly from England or the English colonies, or having been there since the publication of the present decree, will be received in any port.
Napoleon reckoned that would soon settle our hash ...
Since one-third of Britain’s direct exports and three-quarters of her re-exports went to continental Europe, Napoleon intended the decrees to put huge political pressure on the British government to restart the peace negotiations broken off in August …
... but, according to Mr Roberts:
Although Napoleon believed that the Berlin Decrees would be popular with French businessmen, who he hoped would pick up the trade that previously went to Britain, he was soon disabused by the reports from his own chambers of commerce. As early as December that of Bordeaux reported a dangerous downturn of business … By March 1807 he had to authorize special industrial loans from the reserve funds to offset the crises that were resulting …
Plus ça change, the regional prefect of the area that includes Calais is already demanding extra funds to ensure that UK business is not lost to dastardly Belgian and Dutch ports.

Further:
… the British government managed to ride out domestic criticism. By contrast, the Continental System damaged precisely those people who had done well from Napoleon’s regime and had hitherto been his strongest supporters: the middle classes, tradesmen, merchants and better-off peasantry … ‘Shopkeepers of all countries were complaining about the state of affairs,’ recalled the treasury minister Mollien, but Napoleon was in no mood to listen, let alone compromise.
Plus ça change, President Macron, convinced that he is actually Jupiter, and not merely Napoleon, won't compromise. Just like he didn't compromise the other day with the gilets jaunes.

Plus ça change, "domestic criticism", in the person of Anna Soubry and the BBC and the unicorn expert, Philip Hammond, has duly reappeared:
  • They want us to stay linked to a collapsing financial system, the Euro, which beggars Greece and Spain and Portugal in order to underwrite German exports and which caused years of hardship to Ireland after its asset price bubble burst.
  • They want us to stay in the friendly partnership which sees Italy at loggerheads with Brussels ...
  • ... not to mention the friendly partnership between Hungary and Brussels.
  • They want us to have our tax rates harmonised.
  • They want our armed forces to come under President Juncker's control.
  • They want to keep charging huge protectionist tariffs on poor countries trying to export sugar to us.
  • They want our legislature to be dictated to by the European Court of Justice ...
For some reason the "domestic critics" find this imperial prospect attractive. Your highest ambition may not be for the UK to become a colony. You may hope that the government once again "rides it out".

The huge volume of our exports to the EU is a problem for them as well as us:
One major problem with the Continental System was that it could not be imposed universally. In 1807, for example, because Hamburg and the Hanseatic towns such as Lübeck, Lüneburg, Rostock, Stralsund and Bremen couldn’t manufacture the 200,000 pairs of shoes, 50,000 greatcoats, 37,000 vests and so on that the Grande Armée required, their governors were forced to buy them from British manufacturers under special licences allowing them through the blockade. Many of Napoleon’s soldiers in the coming battles of the Polish campaign wore uniforms made in Halifax and Leeds ...
Fluctuations in the exchange rate? Financial innovation in the City? Expanding into new markets? They've all happened before. And pace the miserable remainers, they could all happen again:
When French customs officials did capture contraband a proportion of it was often returnable for a bribe, and in due course it became possible to take out insurance against seizures at Lloyd’s of London. Meanwhile, French imperial customs revenues collapsed from 51 million francs in 1806 to 11.5 million in 1809, when Napoleon allowed the export of grain to the British at high price when their harvest was weak – some 74 per cent of all British imported wheat came from France that year – in order to deplete British bullion reserves. The Continental System failed to work because merchants continued to accept British bills-of-exchange, so London continued to see net capital inflows. Much to Napoleon’s frustration, the British currency depreciated against European currencies by 15 per cent between 1808 and 1810, making British exports cheaper. The Continental System also forced British merchants to become more flexible and to diversify, investing in Asia, Africa, the Near East and Latin America much more than before, so exports that had been running at an average of £25.4 million per annum between 1800 and 1809 rose to £35 million between 1810 and 1819. By contrast, imports fell significantly, so Britain’s balance of trade was positive, which it hadn’t been since 1780.

Brexit – cast your mind back 212 years to Napoleon and the continental system

According to today's Times newspaper:


2½ years late, as they say in the accompanying article, "Colin Clark, a Scottish Conservative MP, has said contingency planning should have started immediately after the vote in 2016", but better late than never.

Mr Clark is not alone in his views, several respectable people believe that is and always has been the obvious approach ...

... but the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Philip Hammond, is quoted elsewhere as saying that "what they were doing must be seen as a precaution, not a policy challenge. He warned that the idea of a managed no deal was a ‘unicorn’ ...".

Who's right?

The respectable people or the Chancellor?

Thursday, 14 December 2017

What does the BBC mean by "control"?

A charming email arrived from the BBC the other day. They want to make it easier for DMossEsq to sign in to his account. And they want him to be able to sign in orally – no more fuddy-duddy typing.

So the subject of the email is "Talk your way into the Beeb"? No. It's "Important changes to the BBC Privacy and Cookies Policy".

Bit boring. But let's take a look:
Hello,

We’ve made some changes to the BBC’s Privacy and Cookies Policy. We’ve done this so that we can introduce new features, while protecting your data and putting you in control of what happens to it.

You can view the updated Privacy and Cookies Policy by going to bbc.co.uk and searching for our Privacy and Cookies Policy or by clicking on the link below.

View updated Privacy & Cookies policy

...
The BBC Privacy and Cookies Policy turns out to be 5,000 words long and to comprise 20 clauses.

Clause 4 lists 11 uses to which the BBC may put DMossEsq's personal information. Most of these are unimpeachable.

For example, the BBC may use DMossEsq's personal information for analysis and research to assist with marketing and strategic service development. DMossEsq has no objection to this use of his personal information. But it is odd to describe this as a case of him having "control of what happens to [his personal information]".

It would make sense for the BBC to say "thank you, DMossEsq, for providing us with the data to help us with our strategy". It makes no sense to say that DMossesq is "in control of that data".

On those rare occasions when the hermit DMossEsq leaves his mountaintop eyrie in Merton and goes abroad, the BBC warn him at clause 4 that he may be subjected to "online behavioural advertising". Which suggests that the BBC are forever monitoring his behaviour so that they are ready to offer him appropriate advertisements as soon as he is overseas. DMossEsq has no control over that monitoring. The BBC know that and it is silly of them to pretend that he has.

Clause 7 says that the BBC "may use information which we hold about you to show you relevant advertising on third party sites (e.g. Facebook, Google, Instagram, Snapchat and Twitter)". And clause 8 says "we may share [some data] with third party sites (e.g. Facebook, Google, Instagram, Snapchat and Twitter)".

DMossEsq can opt out of this sharing. Good. But hang on a minute. Facebook, Google, Instagram, Snapchat and Twitter don't display advertisements for free. They like to be paid. Presumably by the BBC. Are they being paid with money taken from DMossEsq's licence fee? Or with DMossEsq's personal information? Or both? And what else are Facebook, Google, Instagram, Snapchat and Twitter doing with his personal information?

Clause 13 assures DMossEsq that he can always find out what personal information of his is held by the BBC on the sole condition that he give them even more of it. Specifically his passport details, driving licence details, birth certificate, ..., and £10. It's hard to see any way round this. But again it seems peculiar to describe it as DMossEsq being in control.

Clause 15 tackles cookies. The BBC's own cookies. And third party cookies:
To support our journalism, we sometimes embed content from social media and other third party websites. These may include YouTube, Twitter, Facebook, SoundCloud, Vine, Instagram, Pinterest and Flickr. As a result, when you visit a page containing such content, you may be presented with cookies from these websites and these third party cookies may track your use of the BBC website. The BBC does not control the dissemination of these cookies and you should check the relevant third party's website for more information.
"The BBC does not control the dissemination of these cookies". Oh good. DMossEsq isn't in control and neither is the BBC.

DMossEsq could delete these cookies. If he remembered to. And had the time. But then the service wouldn't work, more than likely. Or it might work today but not in a year's time.

DMossEsq's "control" could rely on not having a BBC account at all. But then what does he do when the BBC say, as they inevitably will, that, in order to protect the children or stop tax evasion, DMossEsq can only avail himself of BBC services if he has an account?

Perhaps there's no alternative. But that's not the point. The point here is that DMossEsq is obviously not in control of his own personal information whereas the BBC say that he is.

"Aha", says the bright girl in the second row, "you can use the do-not-track (DNT) option in your web browser, that'll put you in control". Nice idea but no silver star – the BBC tell us at clause 16 that "this website does not currently respond to DNT requests".

Mind you, that could change. As we learn at clause 18. In fact the whole privacy and cookies policy could change at any time, "so you may wish to check it each time you submit personal information to the BBC". Very amusing. DMossEsq wants to search iPlayer for an hour or two of Lucy Worsley but before doing that he'll just quickly plough through 5,000 words looking for any changes since the previous version. Who is controlling whom?

Does anybody remember where we started? It seems hours ago but the BBC wanted to tell DMossEsq how to log in more conveniently.

----------

Updated later that same day, 11:37

As per the above, someone in the BBC sent all us accountholders an email saying "we’ve made some changes to the BBC’s Privacy and Cookies Policy. We’ve done this so that we can introduce new features, while protecting your data and putting you in control of what happens to it" whereas an examination of the BBC Privacy and Cookies Policy quickly establishes that we accountholders have no control over the personal information we give the BBC.

If that email had been written by BBC News DTrumpEsq would have been all over it. Control? Fake news.

"Control" is just the wrong word.

The BBC are not normally imprecise. What causes them to be imprecise in this case? Let's allow ourselves two guesses.

Firstly, the BBC want to sound nice. They're paying us the compliment of pretending to be controlled by us. Give it another day or two and, who knows, the BBC may go further and tell us that we have been "empowered" by handing over our personal information to them.

Second, almost everyone else pretends that their identity management scheme allows the user to be in control of their own personal information, so why shouldn't the BBC join in, follow the herd, take cover in the crowd and do the same?

Take Mydex, for example. It's been years since DMossEsq has bothered to look at Mydex. They never could answer the question how handing over your personal information to other people gave you control of it and they still can't but they still make that promise: "Complete control You decide what you store, see and share". Perhaps the BBC are copying Mydex.

Or take the Government Digital Service's GOV.UK Verify (RIP), for example. "Users are ... in control of when their information is passed to a government service" – no we're not. Nor are we in control of our own personal information when GOV.UK Verify (RIP)'s "identity providers" send our personal information all over the world to their subsidiaries and sub-contractors and agents. Perhaps the BBC are copying GDS.

GDS pretend that GOV.UK Verify (RIP) abides by the nine sets of privacy principles devised by the UK's Privacy and Consumer Advisory Group. In fact it flouts the lot of 'em. Including no.1, user control, "I can exercise control over identity assurance activities affecting me and these can only take place if I consent or approve them".

No-one can make good on that promise. Not Mydex. Not GDS. And not the BBC. So it's silly to make the promise in the first place. Control is not on the menu. Stop pretending that it is.

It's just as silly as GDS's other pretence that GOV.UK Verify (RIP) is, without qualification, "secure". It can't be and everyone knows that it can't. The pretence undermines confidence and trust ...

... like GDS's other other pretence, that "frictionless" means good. It doesn't. It means voluntary enslavement.

And then there's the other other other pretence that apps are good for you. They aren't. Not necessarily. A lot of the time, an app is just a virus by another name.

Our guesses as to the aetiology of the control promise may be wrong but the promise is anyway misleading and demeans the BBC. It's nearly Christmas. Can we look forward to a BBC retraction?

If the BBC want another example to follow, they could do worse than Barclays Bank, whose terms and conditions say:
If you, or someone with authority over your account, asks us to share your information with third parties, we're happy to do so, but it's important you know that we, as your bank, will have no control over how that information is used. You will need to agree the scope of use directly with the third party.
And the Barclays privacy policy, which says:
Unfortunately, the transmission of information via the internet is not completely secure. Although we will do our best to protect your personal data, we cannot guarantee the security of your data transmitted to our site. Once we have received your information, we will use strict procedures and security features to try to prevent unauthorised access.
GDS and the BBC don't have much experience of managing personal information. Or of talking to their parishioners like grown-ups. They could learn a thing or two from Barclays, who do.


What does the BBC mean by "control"?

A charming email arrived from the BBC the other day. They want to make it easier for DMossEsq to sign in to his account. And they want him to be able to sign in orally – no more fuddy-duddy typing.

So the subject of the email is "Talk your way into the Beeb"? No. It's "Important changes to the BBC Privacy and Cookies Policy".

Bit boring. But let's take a look:
Hello,

We’ve made some changes to the BBC’s Privacy and Cookies Policy. We’ve done this so that we can introduce new features, while protecting your data and putting you in control of what happens to it.

You can view the updated Privacy and Cookies Policy by going to bbc.co.uk and searching for our Privacy and Cookies Policy or by clicking on the link below.

View updated Privacy & Cookies policy

...
The BBC Privacy and Cookies Policy turns out to be 5,000 words long and to comprise 20 clauses.

Friday, 21 September 2012

Public spending 1

... if you cut today's public spending by the IPPR's other figure of 3.8%
this year and every year for the next 25 years,
it would fall to £263.8 billion,
which is still higher in real terms than it was in 1970-71.
It's a long time ago, certainly,
but we weren't exactly running around in nothing but woad 40 years ago,
there's plenty of room for 3.8% cuts. ...

----------  o  O  o ----------

There is currently a certain amount of debate in the UK about public spending. Iain Duncan Smith wants to "make work pay". Frank Field argues that means-testing rots people's souls. Support for the benefits system, a report says, is at its lowest level for three decades. And according to Alegra Stratton, the political editor of BBC TV's Newsnight, the government is eyeing an end to the link between benefits and inflation.

Ms Stratton laid out the options for public spending over the next few years, please see Wednesday's edition of Newsnight between 15'38" and 21'28". If the budget is to be balanced, the Institute for Public Policy Research say that public spending will have to be cut by 3.8%. If the NHS, education and international aid budgets are to be ring-fenced then the other departments face a cut of 8% in their budgets. There will have to be cuts, says Ms Stratton, and cuts upon cuts, and what does "8% cuts elsewhere, beyond the fence" mean? It means 8%, that's what it means, but Ms Stratton assists her viewers' understanding by explaining that that's equivalent to:

BBC TV Newsnight 19 September 2012
Either that, or huge cuts in welfare, which brings us back to Iain Duncan Smith.

The debate isn't exclusive to the UK. Mitt Romney makes his own pertinent contributions to it in the US.

And it's not a new debate, as Polly Toynbee reminds us in the Guardian. "David Cameron's mission was to break the postwar consensus on the welfare state that survived Margaret Thatcher", she says, and quotes the Institute for Fiscal Studies (IFS) claim that the overall spending cuts planned by the coalition government are "almost without historical and international precedent".

(Notice that "almost". What the IFS mean is that there are historical and geographical precedents. Almost the opposite of what it sounds as though they're saying.)

The debate is over-heated at the moment, permanently in danger of taking off into outer space – Ms Stratton's Newsnight package, for example, uses Mozart's Requiem as background music. The debate needs to be tethered to planet Earth. It needs some facts, to ground it, and HM Treasury have kindly published those facts in their report Public Spending Statistics July 2012, which includes the figures below in Table 4.1 on p.42:

Total Managed Expenditure

Nominal £billion
Real terms £billion
Per cent of GDP
1971-72
25.2
255.4
42.6
1972-73
28.3
263.9
41.9
1973-74
33.4
291.9
44.4
1974-75
43.7
319.9
48.7
1975-76
55.7
325.0
49.7
1976-77
63.6
326.4
48.6
1977-78
69.5
313.6
45.6
1978-79
78.6
319.8
45.1
1979-80
93.6
326.4
44.6
1980-81
112.5
331.8
47.0
1981-82
125.6
338.1
47.7
1982-83
138.3
348.7
48.1
1983-84
149.7
361.5
47.8
1984-85
160.0
367.8
47.5
1985-86
166.6
363.7
45.0
1986-87
172.8
366.5
43.6
1987-88
183.3
369.1
41.5
1988-89
190.7
360.5
38.7
1989-90
210.2
372.3
38.9
1990-91
227.5
376.1
39.2
1991-92
254.2
394.5
41.5
1992-93
274.2
416.5
43.3
1993-94
286.3
425.7
42.6
1994-95
299.2
438.5
42.1
1995-96
311.4
444.2
41.4
1996-97
315.8
437.2
39.5
1997-98
322.0
437.0
38.0
1998-99
330.9
439.9
37.0
1999-00
342.9
447.9
36.3
2000-01
341.5
443.7
34.6
2001-02
389.2
496.1
37.8
2002-03
421.2
523.8
38.8
2003-04
455.5
554.2
39.5
2004-05
492.4
582.0
40.5
2005-06
524.0
605.5
40.8
2006-07
550.0
619.0
40.7
2007-08
582.9
640.0
40.7
2008-09
629.7
673.0
44.3
2009-10
670.2
705.6
47.3
2010-11
689.6
706.1
46.6
2011-12
694.9
694.9
45.5
There follows a series of questions. DMossEsq doesn't know the answers.

41 years ago, 1971-72, annual public spending in the UK was £25.2 billion. Taking account of inflation in the intervening period, that is equivalent to £255.4 billion today in real terms.

Public spending today isn't £255.4 billion, it hasn't been maintained at its 1971-72 level. Instead, it's gone up to £694.9 billion. Why?

If public spending today was £255.4 billion, it wouldn't have been cut at all. For 40 years, it would have been maintained, guarded, ring fenced, ...

If you cut today's public spending by the IPPR's figure of 8%, it would fall from £694.9 billion to £639.3 billion, roughly the level of 2007-08. We were not in a state then – Ms Stratton please note – equivalent to having 70,000 fewer defence personnel and 20,000 fewer policemen and we wouldn't be now.

If you cut today's public spending by the IPPR's other figure of 3.8% this year and every year for the next 25 years, it would fall to £263.8 billion, which is still higher in real terms than it was in 1970-71. It's a long time ago, certainly, but we weren't exactly running around in nothing but woad 40 years ago, there's plenty of room for 3.8% cuts.

But was public spending in 1970-71 at the right level? What is the "the right level"? Perhaps we should choose a different base line. Which? And why?

Public spending today has gone up in real terms since the treasury's 1970-71 base line by a factor of 2.7208, it's increased by 172.08%. That means the state has taken on new burdens, burdens which it didn't used to shoulder. Is that a good thing? Or a bad thing? Is the state taking on unwonted responsibilities? Is it being intrusive? Is there any limit to the state's responsibilities?

The coalition government has not yet managed to cut public spending. Public spending has levelled off for two years but it hasn't been cut. Not appreciably.

It's hard to cut. It takes time.

Equally, it's hard to make material increases in public spending. Every time the NHS budget is materially increased, under whichever government, the question arises whether its systems can absorb all the extra money. Of course they can, but the question is whether the money can be used efficiently, without waste. No, it can't. Increases have to be planned, just as much as reductions.

The IFS describe 3.8% spending cuts as "unprecedented". For a conservative organisation like them, that is a criticism, they assume that you shouldn't do things that are unprecedented. If an action is unprecedented, does that mean it shouldn't be taken? Or is now the time to be radical?

The 172.08% increase from £255.4 billion to £694.9 billion over 40 years works out at a steady rate of increase of 2.5% p.a. But the change hasn't been steady.

Spot the cuts?

Cuts are not unprecedented. There are six years when public spending was cut:
  • 1977-78 (-3.9%),
  • 1985-86 (-1.1%),
  • 1988-89 (-2.3%),
  • 1996-97 (-1.6%),
  • 2000-01 (-0.9%)
  • and 2011-12 (-1.6%)
and 34 years when it went up.

There were two hefty increases in public spending, in:
  • 1973-74 (+10.6%)
  • and 1974-75 (+9.6%)
and the biggest ever was in:
  • 2001-02 (+11.8%)
followed by an unprecedented run of further increases – +5.6% in 2002-03, +5.8%, +5.0%, +4.0%, +2.2%, +3.4%, +5.2% and +4.8% in 2009-10.

To put it another way, public spending in 2009-10 (£705.6 billion) was 59% up on the 2000-01 figure (£443.7 billion) 10 years before:

Unprecedented?

Yes.

For 30 years, public spending had increased at an annual average rate of 1.9% from £255.4 billion to £443.7 billion in 2000-01. Then the rate of increase nearly trebled to 5.3% p.a., taking public spending in 10 years from £443.7 billion to £705.6 billion in 2009-10.

The end points of the solid lines in the graph above show what did happen, with the trajectory in between smoothed out. The dotted lines show what could have happened instead. On the established trend, the long run 30-year rate, public spending in 2009-10 could have been "only" £526.7 billion. Instead, it was £178.9 billion higher at £705.6 billion.

By the IFS's reckoning, those increases should not have been made.

Somebody nevertheless, ignoring the IFS, put their foot on the accelerator. During Labour's 1997-2001 administration, Gordon Brown as Chancellor of the Exchequer was wedded to Prudence. Thereafter, Prudence left and Mr Brown was joined by Sir-Gus-now-Lord O'Donnell, first as Permanent Secretary at the Treasury and then as Cabinet Secretary. Whose foot was on the accelerator? The cautious/prudent/indecisive and some say cowardly Brown's? Or O'Donnell's, the man to whom every government economist reported, the man who would be King?

Is the state better at allocating resources than individuals and private sector organisations? Or worse? Is state spending always benign? Clearly O'Donnell thinks the answer is "yes", but is it?

Today's public spending represents 45.5% of GDP according to the Treasury. With public spending standing at £694.9 billion, it follows that GDP must be £1,527.3 billion.

Does that mean that we can afford a public spending level of £694.9 billion, or that we can't? Is 45.5% of GDP the "right level" for public spending?

What's public spending got to do with GDP anyway? Does public spending act as a drag on growth? Or does it actually promote growth?

Can anyone answer these questions? Politicians? Mandarins? Economists? Journalists? You?